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lead to a certain estrangement between the two regional organisations. The
strategy to mix economic interests with issues of governance did not produce
much reputation for the EU as a normative actor, nor did it help to foster
economic ties with ASEAN (Meissner et al. 2014: 6ff.). It would thus be
beneficial for both sides to cooperate with a realistic view on each other.
In order to improve the future EU-ASEAN relationship it could be beneficial
to expand the regular meetings of government officials and top bureaucrats to
ordinary citizens of both regions. ASEAN has declared itself a people-oriented
and people-centred organisation whilst the EU is proud of its democratic
political culture based on civil society participation, transparency, and open
dialogue. As such, it would be logical to improve EU-ASEAN relations
through increased dialogue between academics, professionals, civil society
activists, politicians, artists, journalists, and youth group leaders. ASEAN and
the EU both “would gain in legitimacy if it would do more for democratizing
regional governance and involving civil society in the decision-making
process. Bridging the communication gap between the two sides through
increased exchanges” (Nuttin 2017: 36) would contribute significantly for a
much better economic, political, and socio-cultural cooperation between the
EU and ASEAN.
The rapidly changing international environment brings the two regions closer
together. The economic and political rise of China as well as the potentially
declining role of the USA in both regions (as indicated by the Trump
administration!) has changed the international landscape in which ASEAN and
the EU operate. Whereas China is perceived as a potential threat to Southeast
Asia, not only in disputed areas such as the South China Sea, the EU is facing
increasing demands on strengthening its joint security policy. This is especially
in the case of the USA reducing its military support for Europe, and the other
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