Page 57 - AEI Insights Vol. 7 2021
P. 57

Bajrektarevic, 2021



               changer. China’s home is Asia. Its size and its centrality along with its impressive output is
               constraining it enough.

               Conclusively, it is not only a new, non-imitative, turn of socioeconomics and technology what
               is needed. Without truly and sincerely embracing mechanisms such as the NAM, ASEAN and
               SAARC (eventually even the OSCE) and the main champions of multilateralism in Asia, those
               being India Indonesia and Japan first of all, China has no future of what is planetary awaited –
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               the third force, a game-changer, discursive power, lasting visionary and trusted global leader.
               If there was ever in history a lasting triumph, this is over by now. In the multipolar world of
               XXI century dominated by multifaceted challenges and multidimensional rivalries, there is no
               conventional victory.  Revolution or restauration?


               Post Scriptum:
               To varying degrees, but all throughout a premodern and modern history, nearly every world’s
               major foreign policy originator was dependent (and still depends) on what happens in, and to,
               Russia. So, neither a structure, nor content or overall direction of world affairs for the past 300
               years has been done without Russia. It is not only a size, but also a centrality of Russia that
               matters. That is important as much (if not even more), as it is an omnipresence of the US or a
               hyperproduction of the PR China. Ergo, that is an uninterrupted flow of manufactured goods
               to the whole world, it is a balancing of the oversized and centrally positioned one, and it is the
               ability to controllably corrode the way in and insert itself of the peripheral one. The oscillatory
               interplay of these three is what characterizes our days.

               Therefore, reducing the world affairs to the constellation of only two super-players – China
               and the US is inadequate – to say least. It is usually done while superficially measuring Russia’s
               overall standing by merely checking its current GDP, and comparing its volume and PPP, and
               finding it e.g. equal to one of  Italy. Through such ‘quick-fix’, Russia is automatically
               downgraded to a second-rank power status. This practice is  as dangerous as it is highly
               misleading. Still, that ill-conceived argument is one of the most favored narratives which
               authors in the West are tirelessly peddling. What many analysts miss to understand, is in fact
               plain to see; throughout the entire history of Russia: For such a big country the only way to
               survive – irrespectively from its relative weaknesses by many ‘economic’ parameters – is to
               always make an extra effort and remain great power.

               To this end, let us quickly contrast the above narrative with some key facts: Russia holds the
               key positions in the UN and its Agencies as one of its founding members (including the Security
               Council veto right as one of the P5); it has a highly skilled and mobilized population; its society


               10  Over the past few months, People’s Republic has upped the ante in nearly all of its many territorial disputes and
               even provoked new ones, in another departure from past practice. Beijing has also reversed course when it comes
               to its national periphery. “Past Chinese leaders, notably  Deng Xiaoping and Jiang  Zemin, believed in the
               institutionalized processes of collective leadership. Xi has disabled or neutralized many of these channels. The
               world may now be getting a sense of what China’s decision-making looks like when a singularly strong leader
               acts more or less on his own” - noted professor Rapp-Hooper recently in her book. That of course triggers constant
               shockwaves all over Asia. While Indonesia is contemplating the NAM’s reload as well as the ASEAN block
               strengthening,  others  are  reactive.  India  and  Japan,  two  other  Asian  heavyweights  (and  champions  of
               multilateralism), are lately pushed to sign up on the so-called Indo-Pacific maritime strategy with the United States
               (balancing the recent Pacific trade deal of RCEP). However, none of these three has any coherent plan on what to
               do on the Asian mainland. They all three differ on passions, drives and priorities. This is so since the truly pan-
               continental organization is nonexistent in Asia.

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