Page 45 - AEI Insights 2019 - Vol. 5, Issue 1
P. 45

Arnakim, 2019


               discourse are Nurcholish Madjid with his theme “Desacralisation”; Abdurrahman Wahid with
               his  own  language  of  nationalisation  (pribumisasi)  or  Islam  as  the  complementing  factor;
               Dawam  Rahajo  with  his  expertise  on  ‘village  society’  development  through  the  Islamic
               boarding schools (pesantren); and Munawir Sjadzali with his call on looking at Islam from the
               Indonesian context (Effendy, 2000). Nurcholish  Madjid, Harun Nasution, Djohan Effendy,
               Ahmad Wahib, Munawir Sjadzali gave theological foundations on the new “cultural” Islam.
               Their colleagues, Dawam Rahardjo, Abdurrahman Wahid, and Adi Sasono on the other hand,
               contributed to the sociological foundations for those involved in politics (Ali & Effendy, 1986).

               With the emergence of cultural Islam, the Suharto government implemented two inter-linked
               approaches:  Firstly,  supporting  the  religious  institution  and  encouraging  the  Muslims
               community  to  think  of  political  participation  in  terms  of  developing  programs  rather  than
               religious affiliation (Watson, 1994). As such, the development of religious institutions through
               the Ministry of Religion was taken care of by the New Order government. Under the Old Order
               government, this ministry was accused of lacking professionals (Noer, 1978). Under the New
               Order, greater emphasis was given to modern professional skills and accordingly reorganised.
               The ministry has been entrusted to manage the administration and management of hajj (Noer,
               1978).

               In terms of social programs, the New Order government implemented what became known as
               the ‘neo-association’ policy, almost in the same way that Snouck Hurgrounje designed the
               association policy during the colonial era (Watson, 1994).  If Snouck Hurgrounje had advised
               the Dutch governor to establish an education system that gradually integrated the culture of the
               Indonesian people with the Western, especially Dutch, culture, Suharto in his early leadership
               adopted the policy of seeking to turn people away from the emphasis on Islamic ideology and
               urged them to contribute to national development by joining the development programmes of
               the New Order government (Suminto, 1985).
               The government subsidised many religious institutions such as mosques and Islamic schools
               from  the  primary  and  higher  learning  institutions  such  as  the  National  Islamic  Religious
               Institution (IAIN- Institut Agama Islam Negeri). Some of the institutes have been transformed
               into  the  National  Islamic  University  (UIN-  Universitas  Islam  Negeri).  This  policy  was
               manipulated  and  propagated  in  every  electorate  campaign,  whereby  the  Golkar  tried  to
               persuade  Muslims  to  vote  based  on  the  government’s  performance  rather  than  religious
               sentiments (Suminto, 1985). Secondly, a new strategy of employing political rhetoric to gain
               people’s support for the New Order government was put in place to assimilate all Indonesians
               under Suharto’s leadership, whereby Suharto himself was known as ‘father of development’
               (Suminto, 1985, p. 180). If the Old Order government used revolution as part of its political
               rhetoric, the New Order government used development.
               As such, Indonesia in the late 1970s saw a rejuvenation of Islam among Indonesian just as it
               occurred  elsewhere  in  the  Muslim  world.  Islam  gradually  became  a  popular  source  of
               Indonesian  social,  ethical  and  spiritual  life.  As  a  result,  many  Indonesian  Muslims,  as
               highlighted by William Liddle (1999, p. 174), looked for a new understanding of their religion
               that gave them a more realistic set of guidelines, a real code of ethics for private and family
               life, and for dealing with the outside world.
               Robert  W.  Hefner  (1997a,  p.  5)  observes  that  in  the  1970s,  Indonesia  witnessed  the
               proliferation of mosques, religious schools, and devotional programs, the emergence of a vast
               market of Islamic books, magazines, and newspapers has developed, and a well- educated
               Muslim middle class that had begun to raise questions about modern issues, including the role
               and rights of women, the challenges of pluralism, the merits of market economies, and more
               generally, the proper relationship of religion to the state. To Hefner (1997a), Islam in Indonesia


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