Page 42 - AEI Insights 2018 Vol 4 Issue 1
P. 42

AEI Insights, Vol 4, Issue 1, 2018


               Next, the second level of being principled and pragmatism in the South China Sea conflict is
               the ‘Low cost-Low benefit' in which these countries do not take any confrontation that requires
               military offence but rather cautious in addressing the dispute via public statements. Contrary
               to the first example, the second group usually partakes a hedging strategy in response to the
               China's assertiveness in the SCS by focusing on getting return-maximising in terms economic
               pragmatism and preparing for risk-contingency through indirect-balancing or forging defence
               cooperation  with  other  countries  (Kuik  2016:  507).The  countries  might  cajole  Beijing  for
               economic assistance, but prepare the military for the worst. With this expectation, the member
               states are trying to minimise or lower China’s hegemonic benefit in SCS dispute.

               The countries that might fit in this description are either claimant or non-claimant states like
               Malaysia,  Indonesia,  Thailand,  Singapore  and  Brunei.  These  countries  also  hold  strategic
               geopolitical interests in the South China Sea such as its freedom of navigation and natural
               energy, which is why the maintenance of maritime stability is more important. The article will
               specifically look at the example of Malaysia's principled-pragmatism approach in SCS dispute
               underlying  the  ‘Low  cost-Low  benefit'  expectation.  Predominantly,  there  have  been  two
               dominant narratives in Putrajaya in its response to SCS dispute. The first discourse is that
               Malaysia has been seen as "playing it safe" through its neutral and independent posture and
               strategic diversification  foreign policy to  ensure its  claim  in  SCS (Parameswaran 2015:6).
               Specifically in this view, the conflict in South China Sea is seen as an ASEAN’s problem that
               requires diplomacy and restraint as it is not simply a matter of Malaysia’s sovereignty.

               The second overture involves a stronger mode of opposition through its public statement and
               even directly to the Chinese ambassador in response to foreign ships incursion in Malaysia’s
               lawful water in SCS, to which the country would take legal action if its sovereignty is being
               threatened  (Hellendorff  2016:  292).  It  is  because  there  were  increasing  intrusions  by  the
               Chinese PLAN vessels since 2013 around James Shoal and other areas within Malaysia's EEZ.
               The article views the grand narratives of Malaysian foreign policy in SCS dispute as principled
               pragmatic  in  two  ways.  First,  Malaysia  makes  certain  that  it  will  always  favour  positive
               economic relationship but at the same, places its national sovereignty at the top of its foreign
               policy.  The  underlying  message  is  that  Malaysia  is  aware  that  China  presents  more  of  an
               opportunity than a threat to its interests and it would be counter-productive to strain the deep
               bilateral ties simply due to the SCS dispute. Second, Malaysia took a cautious step to balance
               the rhetoric in SCS dispute as it is wary over internationalising the issue in other platforms than
               are not ASEAN as it might draw greater major power rivalry in the region (Hellendorff 2016:
               293, Kuik 2013:456). It is because even without it having to move aggressively, it has a ‘loud'
               neighbours  like  the  Philippines  and  Vietnam  that  have  been  a  useful  buffer  to  project  the
               regional dissatisfaction to Beijing.

               The last example of the member-state principled-pragmatism in SCS underscores the ‘High
               cost-Low benefit' expectation. The countries that expect high cost-low benefit from the SCS
               conflict would pursue a combination of direct-indirect engagement and balance towards China.
               The countries would position themselves as the weaker states in the power disparity setting, in
               the  interest  of  defending  their  national  interests  and  preserving  regional  stability.  The
               operationalisation of high cost-low benefit also means that these countries might spend on soft
               balancing  such  as  bringing  up  SCS  issue  in  multilateral  forums  and  hard  balancing  for  a
               deterrent purpose by increasing defence spending and strengthening law enforcement to deter
               China's hegemonic control.





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