Page 43 - AEI Insights 2018 Vol 4 Issue 1
P. 43

Azman and Kumar, 2018



               The countries that might fit in this description is Vietnam and the Philippines. What makes this
               group different from the previous two groups is that they have several direct encounters with
               China's naval force in the disputed area, they have the large overlapping claims with Beijing
               and  the  strong  anti-China  sentiments  in  their  countries.  They  also  signed  a  trilateral  Joint
               Maritime  Seismic  Undertaking  (JMSU)  agreement  in  2005  but  failed  due  to  the  issue  of
               sovereignty. These personal experiences hence shaped their current strategic foreign policy
               approach towards SCS. It should be noted that the article considers the Philippines fit in this
               group  because  of  its  long  history  of  being  assertive  in  SCS  through  ASEAN–multilateral
               platforms, the tribunal ruling and active engagement with the United States. Currently, it might
               temporarily halt its posture following the ‘low cost-high benefit' expectation due to the ASEAN
               chairmanship and Duterte’s hectic domestic priority.

               Firstly, the Socialist country is known for its direct and indirect engagement with China and
               fellow  ASEAN  members  to  seek  for  best  political  settlement  to  solve  the  dispute.  In  this
               context,  Vietnam  established  direct  engagement  with  China  through  high-level  visits  and
               cooperative measures relating to maritime issues such as hot line, fishery and preventative
               mechanism in the sea.  But at the same time, Vietnam pushes indirect engagement with other
               ASEAN countries to engage China in an ASEAN-based multilateral framework.

                What is principled-pragmatic about this approach is that Vietnam uses both engagements on a
               complimentary basis to consolidate the opinions of various interest groups within China as well
               as the perspectives of the claimant and non-claimant ASEAN member-state relating to the
               contested water, for Vietnam to comprehensively assess the situation in SCS. Vietnam also
               practices  soft  balancing  by  engaging  with  the  great  powers  through  active  military
               procurements  from  Russia,  the  United  States  and  India  (Amer  2014:33).  It  adopts  hard
               balancing by expanding its defence capacity and improving law enforcement capability. While
               these approaches might induce the tendency to execute direct military confrontation under a
               tense situation, Vietnam has been cautious by justifying that the established relationship with
               external power as just formal diplomatic relations and the modernization of armed force to
               protect its long coast and large maritime zone.  The idea of principled-pragmatism here is that
               Hanoi being logical to protect its sovereignty, considering its experiences of being threatened
               by China and how it often got ignored by other ASEAN member states for political support.

               The extent of principled-pragmatism in ASEAN-China relations

               There are some core assumptions discerning China's primary objectives in SCS. It is firstly
               important to acknowledge that China positions the South China Sea as a ‘core interest' on its
               national agenda, meaning that it is considered as "non-negotiable" and on par with Taiwan and
               Tibet. Some scholars also assert that Beijing wishes to gain control of the SCS is due to the
               strategic shipping lanes and energy security (Andrews-Speed 2014:24-28). The reason is that
               accessible trading and fossil fuels are considered as the lifeblood of China's gigantic economy.
               There is an insatiable thirst for these non-renewable resources grows even more in the current
               years, by looking at how Beijing's economic policies mostly consist of Renminbi being thrown
               over the lands, the skies and the oceans across many nations where it is possible to reach.

               The  core  examples  are  the  "One  Road  One  Belt"  (OBOR)  initiative  and  the  Regional
               Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP). The implication is particularly significant in
               the SEA region, where the countries are highly in need of high-level infrastructures and foreign
               capital. It is one of the hefty ways that Beijing has kept all 10-member countries from merging
               against it despite the explicit danger of China's maritime assertiveness in SCS. In a much deeper


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