Page 13 - AEI Insights Vol. 7 2021
P. 13

Savelyev, 2021



               A total ban was applied to ground-based intermediate- and shorter-range cruise missiles.
               An attempt was  made  to outlaw ICBMs with multiple warheads.  Each clause of  the
               concluded  treaties was  scrutinized by the expert community and  drew worldwide
               interest.
               In addition, efforts were made to develop a mechanism to verify compliance with the
               assumed commitments. The first Soviet-U.S. agreements SALT-1 (1972) and SALT-2
               (1979) assigned  the control function  to “national  technical  means of
               verification”―intelligence  satellites.  The  contracting  parties  pledged  to  refrain  from
               creating  impediments  to their operation. Also, the signatories  undertook  “not to use
               deliberate concealment measures which impede verification by national technical means of
               compliance.” In the next agreements―the INF Treaty (of 1987) and, particularly, START-1
               (1991) ― a comprehensive system of control and verification was developed and adopted. It
               envisaged exchanges of data (including the geographical coordinates of each ICBM silo) and
               various notifications and on-site inspections, which made it totally impossible to conceal even
               the slightest violations of these agreements. This system of verification functions within the
               framework of the still effective Russian-U.S. New START, concluded in 2010.

               It is hard to imagine  a hypothetical agreement with China not including compliance
               verification procedures.  And it is very unlikely that the system of verification in such an
               agreement will be “soft,” as was the case with the one established under the earlier SALT-1
               and SALT-2 treaties. On the contrary, as follows from statements by U.S. officials, the United
               States is determined to pay the closest attention to the verification and control of compliance
               with all future  agreements. U.S. Acting Under  Secretary of State for  Arms Control and
               International Security Christopher Ford has made an explicit statement on this score.

               Even if such an agreement does not impose any obligations on China, requiring reduction of
               its nuclear potential, Beijing will be expected to provide exhaustive information about its
               nuclear weapons and deployment sites. Also, China will have to give up measures to conceal
               its nuclear forces, change the locations of mobile missile systems and allow foreign inspectors
               to visit classified facilities (including the Underground Great Wall of China) in order to
               confirm that the provided information is correct and proper  action has  been taken under
               assumed commitments. Besides, China will have to notify other signatories of the
               commissioning of new nuclear weapons and withdrawal from operational duty or elimination
               of older systems, the redeployment of weapons, etc. All these measures will make it possible
               to keep under full control China’s nuclear potential and nuclear arms delivery vehicles.

               These measures, understandable from the standpoint of an arms control treaty, may have truly
               disastrous effects on China’s entire official nuclear policy. Information disclosure and control
               measures would make China’s nuclear arsenal totally vulnerable to a first nuclear strike and
               partially – to a non-nuclear strike. A potential aggressor, possessing a considerable advantage
               in nuclear weapons and full information about the deployment sites, will have a guaranteed
               capability to destroy the adversary’s entire nuclear potential. Theoretically, it would spend far
               more nuclear weapons than the victim of the aggression (in this particular case, China) would
               lose, but still retain an enormous attack potential. In a situation like this, there will be no
               weapons available to deliver a retaliatory strike. All this will mean that China’s declared no-
               first-use policy will lose credibility. In other words, it will turn into a propaganda slogan, with
               no real resources to rely on to implement this policy in practice.
               Apparently, it is precisely these considerations that are behind China’s refusal to participate
               in nuclear arms control talks, and they will remain in place at least until the strategic situation
               in this field undergoes fundamental change. One of the most important conditions for China
                                                             13
   8   9   10   11   12   13   14   15   16   17   18