Page 24 - AEI Insights 2018 Vol 4 Issue 1
P. 24

Mascitelli, 2018



                  largely neglecting national arenas of democratic decision making ) seems to have made
                  things worse for democracy in Europe”. (Armingeon & Guthmann 2013: 17).

               The results of the European Parliamentary elections were themselves telling. Beginning with
               the electoral turnout, it continued to remain at its historic low with 43 per cent of the eligible
               voters casting their votes. This turnout was at the same level as the previous election in 2009.
               Turnout in the elections had declined in every EP election since the first election in 1979. It
               became more telling when in the last four elections - 49.8 per cent in 1999: 45.5 per cent in
               2004; 43.2 per cent in 2009 and 43 per cent in 2014. What made these figures look even worse
               was that some individual member states showed little or no interest in the elections at all? In
               some countries such as Poland and Croatia the turnout was at low levels of 23 and 25 per cent
               respectively  (Europarl  2014).  While  the  turnout  was  disconcerting,  the  actual  vote,  as  the
               Financial Times noted was even more troubling when it wrote that the “European parliament
               is  about  to  become noisier, more unruly, more confusing  and more difficult  to  deal  with”
               (Spiegel  &  Carnegy  2014).  What  this  meant  was  that  many  5representatives  from  fringe
               organisations, right-wing-nationalist parties were gaining access to the EP. The results in the
               UK were a clear testimony to these developments. The United Kingdom Independent Party
               (UKIP)  received  27  per  cent  of  the  EP  vote  and  collected  24  seats.  Labour  and  the
               Conservatives trailed with 25 per cent of the vote picking up 20 seats while the Conservatives
               collected 23 per cent of the votes with 19 seats. The UKIP party had managed to become the
               largest  party  represented  in  the  EP  from  the  UK!  Across  other  member  states,  the  result
               produced a large array of Eurosceptics in the European Parliament who were not there before.
               It turned out that in 23 out of the 28 member states Eurosceptics won seats in the elections in
               2014 (Reib 2014). The only member states which did not produce Eurosceptic parties included
               Estonia,  Luxembourg,  Malta,  Romania  and  Slovenia.    The  total  number  of  Eurosceptic
               parliamentarians sitting in the parliament after this election was 28 per cent an increase from
               20 per cent in the previous elections in 2009 (Treib 2014).

               While this figure sounds alarming not all Eurosceptics are the same. The ideological divide has
               not always clear and the use of the term Eurosceptic has some limitations encompassed within
               and the fact that in the European case they are divided between left and right. What may help
               an understanding of the force of Europscepticism is in the view towards the European Union
               and  its  permanence.  Not  all  the  Eurosceptics  were  for  its  abolishment.  Where  alarm  bells
               sounded was that this category of political formation has significantly grown since the 2009
               elections. The biggest winners in the Eurosceptic camp were on the political right including
               the United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP), The French Marine Le Pen National Front
               with 24.9 per cent and the Danish People’s Party, which topped the polls in their respective
               country (Trieb 2014). Much of the discussion on the cause for this result is the terrain of much
               debate. One stream of argumentation is that the EU elections are not about the EU but about
               the  member  states  and  therefore  about  national  issues.  This  argument  is  also  used  as  a
               justification for the lower turn out in voters and the elections whereby they use these elections
               to send a protest vote and message to respective leaderships of their member states (Marsh &
               Mikhaylov 2010).

               The  results  in  European  Parliament  would  equally  send  out  messages  on  the  question  of
               austerity.  Eventually  most  EU  leaders  began  to  see  the  limits  and  dangers  of  an  ongoing
               austerity philosophy such that even:
                  “Angela Merkel now seems to agree that austerity has run its course. When Italy’s prime
                  minister, Matteo Renzi, together with other European leaders, led a fresh charge against the




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